Pew Research Center surveys over the past two decades also have found compelling evidence that generations carry with them the imprint of early political experiences. As Fact Tank noted last year, Americans who came of age during the Truman and Eisenhower administrations, and are now in their 70s and 80s, have fairly consistently favored Republican candidates, while those who turned 18 under Bill Clinton and his two successors have almost always voted more Democratic than the nation as a whole.
Say "Alexa, enable the Pew Research Center flash briefing". It organizes the public into nine distinct groups, based on an analysis of their attitudes and values. Even in a polarized era, the survey reveals deep divisions in both partisan coalitions.
Pew Research Center now uses as the last birth year for Millennials in our work. President Michael Dimock explains why. The vast majority of U.
Use this tool to compare the groups on some key topics and their demographics. About Pew Research Center Pew Research Center is a nonpartisan fact tank that informs the public about the issues, attitudes and trends shaping the world. It conducts public opinion polling, demographic research, media content analysis and other empirical social science research.
Too partisan to get much done. While Portman pretty much always votes with Republicans, he was often viewed as a moderate in the chamber. And there are fewer of those around. This is not a new phenomenon, of course, but a problem that has gotten worse over the past few decades," he said, adding, "This is a tough time to be in public service.
Another youngster headed for the exit is North Carolina's Richard Burr, who along with Toomey was among the Republicans who voted to impeach Trump after the January 6th insurrection against the counting of Electoral College votes. There are fewer senators who represent states that voted for the opposite party. CNN senior political analyst Ronald Brownstein has written about this. Toomey is one. He's retiring. Another up for reelection this year is Sen. Ron Johnson, who hasn't made a decision, but unlike Burr and Toomey, has backed Trump's conspiracy theories about the election.
Every seat counts in a Senate. In the states Inside Elections lists as battlegrounds -- there are four held by Republicans and four held by Democrats, which means neither party, regardless of who controls the chamber, is likely to emerge from the elections with a strong and governing majority of 60 votes. To say it isn't likely is an understated way of saying it ain't happening.
One key race to watch will be in Arizona, where Democratic Sen. Mark Kelly will run for a full term in the state where allies of Trump have tried to question the results. That effort suffered a serious setback this week when a draft of the partisan review confirmed Biden won the key Maricopa County.
Undeterred, Trump is now prompting Texas to review its results even though he won that state. In the House, Pelosi's retirement decision could be made for her by voters throughout the country. Republicans only need a few pickups to take control of the chamber and unseat Pelosi as Speaker.
Older politicians have had longer to build up donor networks, and older rich people may be more likely to take the risk of self-funding. If Jeff Bezos had quit Amazon to run for president this year, he would have given up years of peak earning and peak productivity in the private sector. Trump and Bloomberg, meanwhile, are wealthy grandfathers whose most significant private-sector achievements are behind them.
They can afford to run for president on a lark, both in a literal sense they can obviously afford to and in an existential sense: What else is Bloomberg going to do in his 80s, other than spend his money on political causes, including the cause of himself? To quarrel with a thousand Hallmark copywriters: Age is not just a number. And rule by the old is not harmless.
First, gerontocracy is a cousin to plutocracy. Power concentrated in the hands of old people who are also rich will predictably lead to policies that benefit the old and the rich, at the expense of the less privileged.
The federal government already guarantees universal health insurance and a universal basic income to seniors, even as Republicans cry socialism when young people request versions of the same policies. Second, old governance can be bad governance. At the end of the Cold War, a common criticism of the U. Without encouraging voters or employers to be ageist, it seems risky to leave the most important issues of life, death, and welfare in the hands of a group of septuagenarians who are in the crosshairs of biologically predictable cognitive decline.
Finally, the most important challenge before the U. Solving it requires a farsighted approach to diplomacy, invention, and technological deployment that a creaky old country will simply never master. On the one hand, competitive and successful senior politicians are surely less likely to suffer these difficulties.
Bernie Sanders is now the Democratic frontrunner for Yes, there is more than a whiff of politicking in some of this discussion. One useful reform would be to subject all candidates for major office to a proper medical review from nonpartisan authorities.
Presidential candidates might be examined by the staff of Bethesda Naval Hospital. In this, as in so many other areas, President Trump made a mockery of the process by submitting a gonzo health report from his Manhattan physician.
Trump … will be the healthiest individual ever elected to the presidency. We should also scrap lifetime appointments to the Supreme Court in favor of fixed year terms.
Under such a system, each presidential administration could appoint one Supreme Court justice every two years on a predictable schedule. Today, a president would be foolish to nominate a year-old to the high court, but the calculus changes if terms are limited. Aware of the challenges facing elderly judges, the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals has several sensible programs.
Garrow, who has long expressed concern about cognitive decline on the bench. The Supreme Court could take a cue. Justices should take personal responsibility too. Justices should not serve 30 or 40 years, particularly when they can be replaced by someone from their own party. They should have done so. Senators over the age of 75 should not ordinarily run for reelection, in my view. Candidates well over 70 should not ordinarily run for president either.
For that reason, I also want presidential candidates of every age to openly discuss how they plan to manage their health issues as they assume the weightiest job in the world. We should address these matters without rancor or cruelty, but also without euphemism or undue reticence. These matters are hard to talk about in American politics because they are hard to talk about in our own lives. Mortality and bodily fragility are two great constants of human life. How we handle those constraints provides a small but important test of American democracy.
Harold Pollack is the Helen Ross p rofessor of s ocial service administration at the University of Chicago. If you have an idea for a piece, pitch us at thebigidea vox.
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